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H.R.3200: America’s Affordable Health Choices Act of 2009

Florida Attorney General Threatens Lawsuit Against Health Care Mandate

Making a delicately nuanced argument about the U.S. Constitution, former Republican congressman and Florida Attorney General Bill McCollum said Tuesday that provisions to force Americans to buy health care or pay a fine are not legal and he will file a lawsuit if they become law.

In a memo sent to the House and Senate leadership, the attorney general called the mandate requiring Americans to get health care a “living tax” that unconstitutionally penalizes people for being inactive.

“Never before has Congress compelled Americans, under threat of government fines or taxes, to purchase an unwanted product or service simply as a constitution of existing in the country (a ‘living tax’),” McCollum wrote to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, R-Nev., Minority Leader Mitch McCollum, R-Ky., House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Pa., and Minority Leader John Boehner, R-Ohio.

According to the attorney general, a citizen’s choice not to buy health insurance cannot rationally be construed as economic activity subject to the Commerce Clause.

“The Commerce Clause gives no authority for Congress to transform a citizen’s individual choice to be inactivein the marketplace into a compulsion to purchase apparently unwanted insurance or be penalized,” he wrote.

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Pelosi: Brown Win Won’t Stop Health Care

Good news: Obama to take “combative” approach to Brown victory

A follow-up to last week’s video clip of The One promising to make the midterms a referendum on ObamaCare, which is working like gangbusters right now for Marcia or Marla or whatever her name is. Not sure if there’s actual strategy at work here or if it’s just their “do the opposite of what Clinton did” instincts at work. Clinton didn’t pass health care and got wiped out in the midterms, ergo we must pass health care regardless of how many people hate it. Clinton tacked towards the center after he was repudiated by voters, ergo…

President Barack Obama plans a combative response if, as White House aides fear, Democrats lose Tuesday’s special Senate election in Massachusetts, close advisers say.

“This is not a moment that causes the president or anybody who works for him to express any doubt,” a senior administration official said. “It more reinforces the conviction to fight hard.”…

There won’t be any grand proclamation that “the era of Big Government is over” — the words President Bill Clinton uttered after Republicans won the Congress in the 1990s and he was forced to trim a once-ambitious agenda.

“The response will not be to do incremental things and try to salvage a few seats in the fall,” a presidential adviser said. “The best political route also happens to be the boldest rhetorical route, which is to go out and fight and let the chips fall where they may. We can say, ‘At least we fought for these things, and the Republicans said no.’”

Translation: If your head hurts from trying to deal with ObamaCare, wait until they get around to cap-and-trade and amnesty.

My favorite part? Obama’s the underdog against Scott Brown or something:

But the president’s advisers plan to spin [Brown's win] as a validation of the underdog arguments that fueled Obama’s insurgent candidacy.

“The painstaking campaign for change over two years in 2007 and 2008 has become a painstaking effort in the White House, too,” the official said. “The old habits of Washington aren’t going away easy.”

Imagine the contempt you’d have to have for voters’ intelligence to spin a Republican win — in Massachusetts — as some sort of business-as-usual victory for entrenched interests. Hey, champ? In case you haven’t heard, Republicans don’t win in New England anymore. Or at least, they didn’t until you launched Project Never Let a Crisis Go to Waste. This victory belongs to you as much as it does to Scotty B; take credit for it.

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Health Care and the Constitution

George Will, baseball’s most articulate fan, hit a home run this morning. His examination of arguments for and against the constitutionality of Obamacare’s individual mandate takes his readers to fundamental constitutional questions and, in particular, to a dispute that has divided conservatives for decades — about the proper role of the courts under our Constitution. True conservatives, Will concludes, will demand a principled “judicial activism.” They will insist that courts exercise their authority to resist “the conscription of individuals, at a cost of diminished liberty, into government’s collective projects. So a constitutional challenge to the mandate serves two purposes: It defies a pernicious idea and clarifies conservatism.”

Since the New Deal, the Supreme Court has held that Congress’s power to regulate interstate commerce amounts to a power to regulate anything that “substantially affects” that commerce — and a power to order any means that may be “necessary and proper” for that regulation. Because uninsured people who seek free emergency-room care substantially affect interstate commerce, Congress can regulate that behavior by ordering those people to buy insurance.

But the implications of that constitutional reading, Will notes, are boundless. If Congress can order you to buy insurance, why stop there? It can order you to exercise, and to eat healthy foods, etc. More disturbing still, it means that the Constitution itself and judicial review under it are no more.

Which brings us to that branch of conservatism that has long called for judicial deference to democratic decisions: “Such people,” Will writes, “believe that having government by popular sovereignty is generally much more important than what government does; hence, courts should be broadly deferential to preferences expressed democratically. This is the doctrine of those conservatives who deplore, often with more vigor than precision, ‘judicial activism.’” By contrast, “more truly conservative conservatives,” Will says, see government’s primary purpose not as satisfying majority preferences but as protecting liberty — through an active judiciary, if necessary, consistent with constitutional powers and restraints.

That judicial-restraint branch of conservatism arose, understandably, from the excesses of the Warren and Burger Courts, and it was no better defended than by Judge Robert H. Bork in his magisterial book, The Tempting of America. Speaking of what he called the “Madisonian dilemma,” Bork wrote that America’s “first principle is self-government, which means that in wide areas of life majorities are entitled to rule, if they wish, simply because they are majorities.” Its second principle, he continued, is “that there are some things majorities must not do to minorities, some areas of life in which the individual must be free of majority rule.”

Unfortunately, that gets Madison exactly backward. To be sure, the Founders, including Madison, stood for self-government — as against government by some fraction of the people, including a king. That was their first political principle. But their first moral principle — the reason they instituted government at all — was individual liberty, as the Declaration of Independence makes plain and the Constitution, with its doctrine of enumerated powers and its recognition of both enumerated and unenumerated rights, makes equally plain as a legal memorialization of the Declaration’s promise.

Indeed, the Founders did not throw off a king only to enable a majority to do what no king would ever dare. Instead, they instituted a plan whereby in “wide areas” individuals would be free simply because they were born free, while in “some areas” majorities would be entitled to rule not because they were inherently so entitled but because they were authorized to do so under a constitutional design. That gets the order right: individual liberty first; self-government second, as a means toward securing that liberty.

So where did we go wrong such that today majoritarianism is dominant and liberty is too often its target — and a supine judiciary generally defers to that regime? It came out of the Progressive Era, of course, and was finally instituted systematically by the New Deal Court, following FDR’s infamous court-packing threat. And the foundation of the constitutional inversion — from “everything that is not given is retained” to “everything that is not retained is given” — was the demise of the doctrine of enumerated powers, the idea that Congress has only those powers the people have given it, as enumerated in the document, the rest being retained by the states or the people.

And that brings us back to Congress’s commerce power. If that power were understood by the Framers and the ratifying generation as the New Deal Court read it, the Constitution would never have been ratified, and the doctrine of enumerated powers would never have been championed as the centerpiece of the document. Indeed, if Congress, under that single power, could regulate anything and everything, there would have been no need to enumerate any of Congress’s other powers. The Framers could have stopped right there.

But what is the principle of the matter? Assuming, that is, that judicial review is inherent in a written constitution that grants “The judicial Power” (Article III), and that the exercise of that power is essential if constitutional limits on governmental power are to be effected other than politically, how should courts do that in the case of the commerce power?

Unfortunately, the constitutional text alone will not answer that question; if the Framers had foreseen what would be done with the power, they probably would have written it more precisely. As with numerous other constitutional provisions, judges must go beyond the vague or indeterminate text if they’re to be faithful to the understanding of those who ratified it. Thus, constitutional structure, history, and purpose all come to the fore. Drawing on those, the principle emerges.

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Senate Can Pass Health With 51 Votes, Van Hollen Says

Even if Democrats lose the special election to pick a new Massachusetts senator Tuesday, Congress may still pass health-care overhaul through a process called reconciliation, a top House Democrat said.

That procedure requires 51 votes rather than the 60 needed to prevent Republicans from blocking votes on President Barack Obama’s top legislative priorities. That supermajority is at risk as the Massachusetts race has tightened.

“Even before Massachusetts and that race was on the radar screen, we prepared for the process of using reconciliation,” Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said.

“Getting health-care reform passed is important,” Van Hollen said in an interview on Bloomberg Television’s “Political Capital with Al Hunt,” airing this weekend. “Reconciliation is an option.”

Should Democrats take that route, the legislation would have to be scaled back because of Senate rules.

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Unions will dodge O’s health tax

Big Labor got some big love from President Obama and congressional Democrats yesterday after they agreed to exempt union workers from the whopping “Cadillac tax” on high-cost health-care plans until 2018.

The sweetheart deal, hammered out behind closed doors, will save union employees at least $60 billion over the years involved, while others won’t be as lucky — they’ll have to cough up almost $90 billion.

The 40 percent excise tax on what have come to be called “Cadillac” health-care plans would exempt collective-bargaining contracts covering government employees and other union members until Jan. 1, 2018.

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Health talks in overdrive with Obama pushing

President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats stand within days if not hours of striking final deals on historic health care legislation after key labor unions won concessions and pledged their support.

“We are on the doorstep of accomplishing something that Washington has been talking about since Teddy Roosevelt was president, and that is reforming health care and health insurance here in America,” Obama told rank-and-file House Democrats on Thursday during a visit to the Capitol complex.

As he spoke, heads of the nation’s leading labor unions were announcing a deal to resolve a highly contentious dispute over Obama’s desire to tax high-cost insurance plans to help pay for the health legislation. Unions had objected strongly, saying union workers ultimately would pay the 40 percent levy, and House Democrats backed the unions. But labor bowed to the White House demands after extracting agreements that would significantly soften the blow of the tax.

AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said that, assuming the deal and other labor priorities hold, labor will be behind the final bill.

“We will endorse it, and we’ll do that proudly,” he said.

With that, House Democrats appeared to be falling in line.

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Democrats close in on healthcare agreement

Congressional Democrats closed in on a final deal on a landmark U.S. healthcare overhaul on Friday, with President Barack Obama pushing them to move quickly in marathon White House negotiating sessions.

Negotiators from the House of Representatives and Senate made “solid progress” in talks that stretched into the early morning on Friday, the White House said, and headed back for another round in the afternoon.

“We are making progress, we are establishing common ground on some of the very few issues that were different in our bills,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said of the negotiations.

The talks gained new urgency as polls show the overhaul is increasingly unpopular and Democrats could lose next week’s special Massachusetts election to replace the late Senator Edward Kennedy — costing them their crucial 60th Senate vote.

Democrats are hustling to finish the bill before Obama’s State of the Union speech in early February, when lawmakers hope to turn to an agenda on jobs and the economy ahead of congressional elections in November.

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Voter Pat Braasch Calls for Health Care Transparency

Senator Harkin: Our Bill Makes Health Care an ‘Inalienable Right’

In Gallup Poll, President Obama at All-Time Lows for Handling of Economy, Health Care

The latest Gallup Poll has President Obama experiencing some pretty harsh disapproval ratings among the American people on some key issues.

The president has 40% approval on the economy and 56% disapproval.

He has 37% approval on health care and 58% disapproval.

These are the lowest approval ratings on those two issues to date of his presidency, per Gallup.

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Rep. Rangel: Dems facing ’serious problems’ on healthcare reform bill

Congressional Democrats face “serious problems” in getting a healthcare reform bill to the president’s desk, according to a House panel chairman.

“We’ve got to get a bill that’s more compatible to the House,” Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.) said Tuesday. “Forget all the other questions. Two-hundred-eighteen [votes] is the most important issue we are dealing with… We have serious problems on both sides of the Capitol. Serious problems.”

Rangel’s comments come a day after Sen. Chris Dodd (D-Conn.) said health reform is “hanging by a thread.”

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House Republican Leader: ‘We Can Beat This Bill’

At a meeting of the House Republican conference on Wednesday morning, the Republican leader, Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio, told his colleagues that he believed they could defeat the Democrats’ health care legislation, according to officials who heard his remarks.

After paying tribute to his late chief of staff, Paula Nowakowski, who died suddenly over the weekend, Mr. Boehner thanked rank-and-file Republicans for pressing the opposition to the health care legislation over the holiday recess.

“The bottom line is, I believe we can beat this bill,” Mr. Boehner said. “The American people are with us.”

Mr. Boehner urged the Republicans to push for opening up the health care negotiations up to the public, and to continue to engage their constituents on the issue over the coming weeks.

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More Health care Coverage on Liberty’s Army

Contact Your U.S. Representative

Contact Your U.S. Senators

“In a time of universal deceit telling the truth is a revolutionary act.” ~ George Orwell

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Negotiators Float Expanding Sources of Medicare Taxes to Pay for Health Bill

House and Senate negotiators are discussing an expansion of their health insurance proposal that would increase the Medicare payroll tax to include other sources of income like investment returns.

The Medicare payroll tax hits only wages. The Senate-passed health care bill would increase a worker’s Medicare tax from 1.45 percent to 2.35 percent of income for individuals making more than $200,000 a year and $250,000 for joint filers.

Industry and House Democratic sources confirm that Democrats are discussing an extension of the Medicare tax to dividends and other investment incomes. The thresholds would remain $200,000/$250,000 per year.

An industry source adds the tax would also hit small businesses organized as a pass-through in which a business’ revenue is treated as the owner’s taxable income.

Sources add these negotiations are still in flux.

The reason Democrats need the money is to fill the gaps that would be created if they reduced the taxes on insurance companies on their priciest benefits — known as the “Cadillac tax. Negotiators are considering an increase in the threshold.

The Senate-passed bill would hit insurance companies with a 40-percent tax on family plans worth more than $23,000. Democrats have discussed a new mark of $28,000, though the number remains fluid. Even a slight bump in that threshold exempts enough plans to reduce the revenue estimates of the tax by billions.

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Stakes are rising for special election to fill seat of the late Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy

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Obama Flip-Flops on Cadillac Tax

Amish families exempt from insurance mandate

Federal health care reform will require most Northern New Yorkers — but not all, it turns out — to carry health insurance or risk a fine.

Hundreds of Amish families in the region are likely to be free from that requirement.

The Amish, as well as some other religious sects, are covered by a “religious conscience” exemption, which allows people with religious objections to insurance to opt out of the mandate. It is in both the House and Senate versions of the bill, making its appearance in the final version routine unless there are last-minute objections.

Although the Amish consist of several branches, some more conservative than others, they generally rely upon a community ethic that disdains government assistance. Families rely upon one another, and communities pitch in to help neighbors pay health care expenses.

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Irate Labor Leaders Press Obama on Proposed Health Care ‘Cadillac’ Tax

President Obama told labor leaders in a tense two-hour closed door tussle over whether to tax health care benefits that he backed the tax, which labor leaders vehemently oppose, but also supports efforts “to protect working men and women.”

Their problem? Labor leaders say you can’t have it both ways. Some now openly accuse Obama of doing that and violating one of his most important early promises in the health care debate: that if you like the coverage you have, you will be able to keep it.

Obama did not attend all of the meeting held in the Roosevelt Room, but, according to an official who spoke on the condition of anonymity “reiterated his support for the excise tax but also reiterated his commitment to protect working men and women.”

Obama’s top health care adviser, Nancy-Ann DeParle led the meeting in the president’s absence, the White House said.

The “excise tax” refers to the Senate attempt to slap a 40 percent levy health insurance benefit plans valued at $8,500 for individuals and $23,000 for families (for high-risk occupations like law enforcement and firefighting the levels are $9,850 and $26,000).

Some have dubbed these plans “Cadillac” coverage because of their generous array of benefits. Labor leaders say the better moniker is “Chevy” because, they say, the tax would also hit union and non-union families. The tax applies to the accumulated value of standard health insurance, secondary plans that cover dental and vision expenses and flexible spending accounts.

But labor leaders, led today publicly by AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka, call the Senate tax an assault on middle-class familes and a sop to American “elites.” Trumka and other union leaders favor the House-passed 5.4 percent surtax on individuals making more than $500,000 and couples who earn more than $1 million.

“The senate bill instead drives a wedge between the middle class and the poor,” Trumka said in a speech at the National Press Club just hours before the White House showdown. ” The senate bill taxes the middle class by taxing workers health plans. The Senate bill pits working Americans who need health care for their families against working Americans trying to keep health care for their families. Now this is a policy designed to benefit elites.”

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Harrycare Breaks the Bank

On Friday, the Chief Actuary for the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (“CMS”) released his report on the estimated financial impact of the Senate’s health care bill passed on Christmas Eve on a party-line vote. Unlike the Congressional Budget Office’s score estimating the bill would reduce the deficit over the first ten years, CMS estimates that the measure will add $280 billion to the federal deficit from 2010-2019.

Like the CBO score, CMS’s estimate largely masks the true cost and cynicism of the bill because non-partisan government agencies have little room to make assumptions outside of the pure text of the proposed legislation. However, even more aggressively than the CBO’s commentary, the CMS actuary offers harsh words and stern warnings about this bill’s true likely cost and crowd-out effects on the private insurance market.

The costs and so-called savings in Harrycare, officially titled the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“PPACA”) are broken down into 2 major categories: Coverage and Medicare, the former representing government costs and the latter theoretically representing savings. There are smaller categories for Medicaid/CHIP (separate from the expansion of Medicaid which falls under Coverage), and the Community Living Assistance Services and Supports (“CLASS”) program. The provisions for each category are a minefield of uncertainty, with real-world outcomes likely to cost the taxpayer far more than any current government estimate.

Regarding “Coverage,” CMS estimates that the measure will “reduce the number of uninsured from 57 million under current law to 23 million” primarily by increasing eligibility for Medicaid. What this does is shift the cost burden from the federal government to cash-short states. It’s an accounting gimmick, not a cost savings.

And there are not 57 million uninsured Americans by any definition that an objective analyst would accept. The majority of the uninsured are typically either (1) in between jobs and uninsured for a single digit number of months, (2) wealthy enough or with high enough incomes to afford insurance if they wanted it, or (3) already eligible for government programs but not signing up.

CMS estimates that 18 million people would receive new coverage under Medicare with a further 2 million who have employer-based insurance signing up for Medicaid as supplemental insurance. They also estimate that 21 million people will receive coverage “through the newly created Exchanges.”

Crowding out private insurance (the Democrats’ real goal), CMS guesses that 15 million people will drop their current individual health insurance policies to join an Exchange. Furthermore, the report notes that “some smaller employers would be inclined to terminate their existing coverage, and companies with low salaries might find it to their — and their employees’ — advantage to end their plans, thereby allowing their workers to qualify for heavily subsidized coverage through the Exchanges.”

In other words, currently-private insurance costs will suddenly be borne in large part by taxpayers.

In total, “Coverage” costs total $882 billion during the 10-year analysis window. Of utmost importance to understand, however, is that the key coverage provisions don’t begin until the fifth year (2014), and that the 6-year cost from 2014 to 2019 is $875 billion. In other words, more than 99% of the coverage costs occur in years 5-10, meaning that if the coverage provisions were begin at the same time as the tax increases and mythical “savings”, the cost of the bill would be roughly $250 billion higher.

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The Risk of Catastrophic Victory

Passage of the health-care bill will be, for the administration, a catastrophic victory. If it is voted through in time for the State of the Union Address, as President Obama hopes, half the chamber will rise to their feet and cheer. They will be cheering their own demise.

If health care does not pass, it will also be a disaster, but only for the administration, not the country. Critics will say, “You didn’t even waste our time successfully.”

What a blunder this thing has been, win or lose, what a miscalculation on the part of the president. The administration misjudged the mood and the moment. Mr. Obama ran, won, was sworn in and began his work under the spirit of 2008—expansive, part dreamy and part hubristic. But as soon as he was inaugurated ,the president ran into the spirit of 2009—more dug in, more anxious, more bottom-line—and didn’t notice. At the exact moment the public was announcing it worried about jobs first and debt and deficits second, the administration decided to devote its first year to health care, which no one was talking about. The great recession changed everything, but not right away.

In a way Mr. Obama made the same mistake President Bush did on immigration, producing a big, mammoth, comprehensive bill when the public mood was for small, discrete steps in what might reasonably seem the right direction.

The public in 2009 would have been happy to see a simple bill that mandated insurance companies offer coverage without respect to previous medical conditions. The administration could have had that—and the victory of it—last winter.

Instead, they were greedy for glory.

It was not worth it—not worth the town-hall uprisings and the bleeding of centrist support, not worth the rebranding of the president from center-left leader to leftist leader, not worth the proof it provided that the public’s concerns and the administration’s are not the same, not worth a wasted first year that should have been given to two things and two things only: economic matters and national security.

Those were not only the two topics on the public’s mind the past 10 months, they were precisely the issues that presented themselves in screaming headlines at the end of the year: unemployment and the national-security breakdowns that led to the Christmas bomb plot and, earlier, the Fort Hood massacre. “That’s two strikes,” said the president’s national security adviser, James Jones, to USA Today’s Susan Page. Left unsaid: Three and you’re out.

Just as bad, or worse, the president’s focus on health care allowed the public to infer that his mind was not focused on our security. He’d frittered his attention on issues that were secondary and tertiary—climate change, health care—while al Qaeda moved, and the system stuttered. A lack of focus breeds bureaucratic complacency, complacency gives rise to slovenliness, slovenliness results in what was said in the report issued Thursday: that, faced with clear evidence of coming danger, the government failed, as they’re saying on TV, to “connect the dots.” Dots? They were boulders.

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Reid Returns to D.C. Humbled, But With Obama’s Blessing on Health Care Tax

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid comes back to Washington this week seemingly humbled after a racially tinged gaffe forced an apology to President Obama, but the senator returns with the one bright spot — the president’s blessing on a health care bill that could end up raising taxes on thousands of middle class workers and their families.

Over the weekend, Obama outlined his support for the Reid plan to impose a “Cadillac tax” on high-end health insurance policies. House lawmakers and unions oppose the fee.

Obama is expected to meet Monday with union leaders, but White House Council of Economic Advisers chief Christina Romer said Sunday the president is not willing to move very far on his position.

“We feel very confident that — that, based on their numbers, based on the Joint Committee on Taxation’s, that the — the Senate version of the bill would genuinely slow the growth of costs over the long run by about 1 percentage point a year, which may sound small, but it’s actually enormous. And in terms of what it adds up to over time, it’s huge. I think the important thing is, the president, he has made this a priority,” Romer said.

Romer was citing a Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services report released Saturday that concluded that the tax on “Cadillac” health plans, as well as reductions in annual increases to Medicare providers, have the potential to hold down costs.

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Tea Party Express endorsement of Republican Scott Brown for U.S. Senate in Massachusetts

As Chief Strategist of the Tea Party Express I am pleased to announce our endorsement of Republican Scott Brown for U.S. Senate in Massachusetts. This will be a critical race, a Special Election that takes place on January 19th, and one that could stop the Democrats from passing through their government-run healthcare monstrosity.

Read below for details on how we here at the Tea Party Express are taking action…

This Special Election will fill the seat of the late Senator Ted Kennedy.

Initially, pundits expected an easy win for the liberal Democrat candidate, Massachusetts Attorney General Martha Coakley.

But new polls out this Tuesday showed the race has narrowed to a 9-point margin! And Election Day is just 12 days away!

Republican Scott Brown opposes the government-run healthcare plan now being debated by Congress. He launched his campaign on the platform of lower taxes and reduced government spending.

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Government Health Insurance Option Appears Doomed

Senior House Democrats have largely abandoned hopes of including a government-run insurance option in the final compromise health care bill taking shape, according to several officials, and are pushing for other measures to rein in private insurers.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other senior Democrats told President Barack Obama in recent meetings they want the legislation to strip the insurance industry of a long-standing exemption from federal antitrust laws, officials said. That provision is in the House-passed measure, but was omitted from the bill that the Senate passed on Christmas Eve.

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Economist Was Under Contract With HHS While Touting Health Reform Bill

MIT economist Jonathan Gruber, one of the leading academic defenders of health care reform, is taking heat for failing to disclose consistently that he was under contract with the Department of Health and Human Services while he was touting the Democrats’ health proposals in the media.

Gruber, according to federal government documents, is under a $297,600 contract until next month to provide “technical assistance” in evaluating health care reform proposals. He was under a $95,000 HHS contract before that.

But while he was being paid to provide his services to HHS, he was also fending off health care reform critics in the media. Gruber was one of the prominent analysts to rebut an insurance industry report from PricewaterhouseCoopers in October saying premiums would shoot up if a health care bill passes. And he has recently written columns defending specific provisions in the House and Senate bills, particularly the “Cadillac tax” on high-cost insurance plans.

The liberal base of the Democratic Party is widely opposed to that tax, out of fear that it will cut into union benefits — which may explain why the first criticism of Gruber came out of liberal blogs.

“I have never seen it disclosed that he was a paid consultant to the Obama administration,” a blogger for Firedoglake wrote Friday morning. “For months I have been angry with Gruber because I thought he was simply an exaggerator whose dangerous love of the spotlight was hurting the efforts of progressives to make sure the Senate bill adopted more progressive cost control solutions. … Now it is clear something much more sinister was at play.”

The Daily Kos declared that, given Gruber’s contract, the “fix was in” for the Cadillac plan.

Gruber, when contacted by Fox News, acknowledged that he has a contract with HHS, but he said it has nothing to do with his public advocacy.

“NONE of the work I have done in public, or any public declarations I (have) made, has been in any way funded by the administration,” he wrote in an e-mail. “That funding was strictly for internal work that I did for the administration and, via the administration, for Congress. All externally visible work and comments, such as my editorials or public reports, have been done on my own time.”

Gruber said he “firmly” believes in the positions he advocates, and he said he has not been secretive about his contract with HHS. “I have told reporters whenever they asked,” he said.

He noted that he disclosed his relationship with the Obama administration in a Dec. 24 column for The New England Journal of Medicine. Indeed, the “disclosures” link at the bottom of that article online takes the reader to a form showing Gruber is a “paid consultant to the Obama administration.”

But a column in The Washington Post on the Cadillac tax just a few days later did not disclose his relationship with the administration. Gruber was listed merely as a “professor of economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.”

Government documents explaining the terms of his contract say that he was “uniquely positioned” for providing analysis for the health department’s assistant secretary for planning and evaluation, describing him as a “recognized expert in health policy in economics.”

Health Care Countdown: Differences Over Abortion Funding Pose Hurdle

The House and Senate, entering what may be the final weeks of health care talks, are still struggling to come up with a compromise that will settle disagreements over how best to ensure public dollars do not go toward funding abortion coverage.

Middle ground is hard to come by on the issue of abortion, and the health care debate is no exception.

The House and Senate, entering what may be the final weeks of health care talks, are still struggling to come up with a compromise that will settle disagreements over how best to ensure public dollars do not go toward funding abortion coverage.

The bills in both chambers are distinctly different when it comes to abortion funding. The House sets up a veritable brick wall between taxpayer funds and abortion providers. The Senate, critics say, provides too many openings for public money to fund abortion.

“There’s either funding for abortions or there isn’t,” said Charmaine Yoest, president of Americans United for Life. “There really isn’t a middle ground on the issue.”

A big problem in resolving the dispute is that the Senate is already on record opposing the kind of strict provisions that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi needed in her bill in order for it to pass.

Pelosi, an abortion rights supporter, was only able to pass a health care bill after allowing a vote on tough abortion language sponsored by Michigan Democratic Rep. Bart Stupak.

The move won her 40 Democratic votes she easily could have lost if the restrictions had not been included. Even with them, the House bill only passed by five votes, leaving little room for compromise.

Yet anti-abortion forces in the House are not happy with the Senate bill, which has looser restrictions. The package would require that insurance companies segregate any federal subsidies so that only private funds from customers are used for abortion coverage. It would also have companies charge a specific fee dedicated for abortion coverage, which has angered some groups.

In addition, at least one plan in the state-by-state insurance exchanges would have to offer abortion coverage, unless a state individually opts out — which isn’t easy.

“Each state, if they want out of the abortion mandates that are in the Senate plan, would have to pass their own laws to get out of funding abortion,” Yoest said.

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(This almost encourages us to start watching CNN again.)

Jack Cafferty Rips Obama on Failed Openness Pledge: ‘Just Another Lie Told for Political Expediency’

C-SPAN CEO: White House Has Allowed Only ‘One Hour’ of Health Care Coverage
Sorry C-SPAN, say Dems

A day after House Democratic leaders rejected C-SPAN’s request to allow television cameras in the room during the negotiations over health care reform, Senate Democrats also said no to the idea, agreeing with the assertion made by their House counterparts that the bill has been publicized enough.

“The drafting of this health care insurance reform bill has set new standards for transparency,” said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Sen. Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.

White House Press Corps Clash With Gibbs Over C-Span Promise

White House: We will NOT discuss broken C-Span promise

On Tuesday, White House press secretary Robert Gibbs declined to answer questions about the president’s campaign commitment to hold health-care negotiations on C-Span. Gibbs said he had not seen a letter from C-Span’s Brian Lamb to congressional leaders requesting the coverage and thus could not comment on it.

On Wednesday, Gibbs was asked again about the C-Span commitment. The story had gotten pretty big in the intervening time, and presumably Gibbs had had a chance to familiarize himself with it. So reporters tried for a second day to get him to comment on the president’s commitment to holding televised health-care talks. Gibbs’ answer? “We covered this yesterday.” Gibbs referred reporters to the transcript of Tuesday’s briefing and said, “The answer I would give today is similar.”

But of course, he hadn’t answered the question at all. Here is the transcript from the Tuesday briefing:

QUESTION: C-Span television is requesting leaders in Congress to open up the debate to their cameras, and I know this is something that the President talked about on the campaign trail. Is this something that he supports, will be pushing for?

GIBBS: I have not seen that letter. I know the President is going to begin some discussions later today on health care in order to try to iron out the differences that remain between the House and the Senate bill and try to get something hopefully to his desk quite quickly….

Later in that same briefing, a reporter raised the C-Span issue again:

QUESTION: Okay, just lastly, why can’t you answer the C-Span question –

GIBBS: I did.

QUESTION: You didn’t, because you said –

GIBBS: I said I hadn’t seen the letter, which I haven’t –

QUESTION: do you need to see a letter? I mean, this is something the President said during the campaign and he talked about he wants everything open on C-SPAN –

GIBBS: Dan asked me about the letter and I haven’t read the letter.

QUESTION: Well, I’ll just ask you about having it on C-Span –

GIBBS: I answered Dan’s question and I answered this before we left for the break, Keith. The President’s number-one priority is getting the differences worked out, getting a bill to the House and the Senate…

QUESTION: There are a lot of reasons not to do it on C-Span — people could showboat. Does he regret making that statement during the campaign?

GIBBS: No.

Fast forward to Wednesday’s briefing. Another question from another reporter:

QUESTION: During the campaign the President on numerous occasions said words to the effect of — quoting one — “all of this will be done on C-SPAN in front of the public.” Do you agree that the President is breaking an explicit campaign promise?

GIBBS: Chip, we covered this yesterday and I would refer you to yesterday’s transcript.

QUESTION: But today is today and –

GIBBS: And the answer that I would give today is similar to the one –

QUESTION: But there was an intervening meeting in which it’s been reported that the President pressed the leaders in Congress to take the fast-track approach, to skip the conference committee. Did he do that?

GIBBS: The President wants to get a bill to his desk as quickly as possible.

QUESTION: In spite of the fact that he promised to do this on C-Span?

GIBBS: I would refer you to what we talked about in this room yesterday.

QUESTION: But the President in this meeting yesterday –

GIBBS: And I addressed that –

QUESTION: — pressed for something that’s in direct violation of a promise he made during the campaign.

GIBBS: And I addressed that yesterday.

Another reporter took up the questioning:

QUESTION: Well, does the President think it would be more helpful if this process were more transparent, that the American people could see –

GIBBS: Mike, how many stories do you think NBC has done on this?

QUESTION: Speaking for myself –

GIBBS: Just a guess.

QUESTION: That’s not the issue. The issue is whether he broke an explicit campaign promise.

GIBBS: So the answer is –

QUESTION: I deal with the information that –

GIBBS: So the answer is hundreds, is that correct?

QUESTION: Right, but that’s got nothing to do with it. I deal with the information, however much or little of it, there is. I’m saying would people benefit by having more information?

GIBBS: Have you lacked information in those hundred stories? Do you think you’ve reported stuff that was inaccurate based on the lack of information?

QUESTION: Democrats ran against the very sort of process that is being employed in this health care –

GIBBS: We had this discussion yesterday. I answered this yesterday. Is there anything –

QUESTION: But the President met with members of Congress in the meantime –

GIBBS: And he’ll do so today.

QUESTION: — and pressed them to –

GIBBS: Do you have another question?

And that was the end of that. If the public wants to know why President Obama didn’t keep his pledge to hold televised health-care negotations, they’ll have to look for answers elsewhere. The White House isn’t talking.

Here’s a great cartoon from Michael Ramirez

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Silence in the face of evil is itself evil: God will not hold us guiltless. Not to speak is to speak. Not to act is to act. ~ Dietrich Bonhoeffer

“In a time of universal deceit telling the truth is a revolutionary act.” ~ George Orwell

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Health Care Countdown: Critics Question Dems’ Claim That Health Bill Reduces Deficit

The Obama administration and congressional Democrats are claiming mission accomplished in their quest to strike a health care reform bill that doesn’t add a “dime” to the deficit. But critics say the House and the Senate are relying on massaged numbers and unrealistic projections that only achieve that goal on paper.

But critics say the House and the Senate are relying on massaged numbers and unrealistic projections that only achieve that goal on paper. If and when Congress carries out the overhaul, they say, the red ink could easily pile up.

“There’s a number of things that make that highly implausible, dubious really,” said Jim Capretta, a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.

The Congressional Budget Office is required to score what Congress says it will do without regard to whether lawmakers will actually achieve their goals. So when Democratic leaders told the CBO they’d raised hundreds of billions in revenue and cut $500 billion from Medicare over 10 years, the CBO said that course of action would reduce the deficit by more than $130 billion.

But the calculation assumes Congress will cover the uninsured by expanding Medicaid, increasing costs to cash-strapped states. And Congress double-counts savings in Medicare by saying changes would extend the life of the program but also spending the money elsewhere.

Douglas Holtz-Eakin, former director of the Congressional Budget Office, said Congress is trying to both extend the life of Medicare while using the savings for subsidies.

“You literally can’t spend the same dollar twice — it’s a congressman’s dream but that won’t work,” he said.

Congress also removed another expensive reform called the “doctor fix,” which is a proposal to undo one of Congress’ previous efforts to reduce Medicare spending. As it stands, doctors who treat the elderly would face a 21 percent cut in fees this year and steady cuts every year after that. Lawmakers agree that could reduce access to doctors for seniors, so they’re determined to fix it – only not in the health care reform bill.

“The biggest hole in the financing is the fact that they’ve left out the doctor fix,” Holtz-Eakin said.

“If you take that out, just that one on its own and take it out of the equation, the bill goes from being a small deficit reducer to being a large deficit increaser,” Capretta said.

The doctor fix would push health care reform into the red because it would cost $210 billion. The Senate has not acted on the issue yet — the House passed it separately but simply added the cost to the deficit which troubles Democratic centrists.

Nelson: Obama Made a ‘Mistake’ by Tackling Health Care ReformLast Year

Sen. Ben Nelson, the Nebraska Democrat who played a pivotal role in helping the Senate pass its version of health care reform right before Christmas, said this week that the Obama administration should have delayed taking up the issue to spend more time tackling economic problems.

“I think it was a mistake to take health care on as opposed to continuing to spend the time on the economy,” Nelson told the Fremont Tribune.

“I would have preferred not to be dealing with health care in the midst of everything else, and I think working on the economy would have been a wiser move,” he told the newspaper.

Ever since Nelson provided Democrats with the crucial 60th vote to advance the Senate bill toward passage last month, he has been trying to explain his actions to his constituents — a move that underscores the challenge Nelson faces in maintaining public support in a conservative state.

The deal Nelson cut with Senate Democratic leaders to gain his critical vote would exempt Nebraska from having to pay for the coverage of new enrollees into its Medicaid program and leave the tab with the federal government — a move expected to cost Uncle Sam $100 million over the next 10 years.

Several attorneys general are threatening to challenge the constitutionality of that provision that they say benefits Nebraska at the expense of other states.

Pelosi: Lawmakers ‘Very Close’ on Health Care

Lawmakers are “very close” to resolving differences between the House and Senate health care bills and sending a final version to President Obama, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Wednesday.

Pelosi spoke at the White House after a meeting Wednesday with Obama and the chairmen of several House committees that have had a hand in shaping the House version of the bill.
Differences remain, including over abortion and whether to create a public option for health insurance.

Pelosi, however, said both bills had the makings for great legislation.

The president and congressional Democrats decided Tuesday night to keep the final negotiations as GOP-free as possible by bypassing the traditional conference committee process.

The White House and Democratic leaders in Congress decided to keep the last leg of talks a closed-door affair. They concluded that the House will work off the Senate’s version, amend it and send it back to the Senate for final passage, according to a House leadership aide, speaking on condition of anonymity in order to discuss the private meeting.

The move streamlines the process to avoid Republican efforts to slow it down.

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